Comrades,
The topic before you reflects some important discussions take place in Iraq and Iran. Contribution of the internationalists in these discussions is important and much appreciated, although the class struggle could be pushed back for a short time on the pretext of the war on the coronavirus, which is confirmed in Iran, and Iraqi authorities recommend travel ban to and from Iran.
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Anwar/Iraq
21 / 2 / 2020
The topic before you reflects some important discussions take place in Iraq and Iran. Contribution of the internationalists in these discussions is important and much appreciated, although the class struggle could be pushed back for a short time on the pretext of the war on the coronavirus, which is confirmed in Iran, and Iraqi authorities recommend travel ban to and from Iran.
We will translate and publish your opinion, where we publish the topic: www.myinternetpages.com
Please use a name, any name, and please write intensively; it makes our job easier.
Anwar/Iraq
21 / 2 / 2020
Iraq and Iran: Class Contradictions and Polarisation of Classes
Twelve years on from the global crisis of 2008, it is now clear that there will never be a return to the normal economic life in the world. Since 1970 there were six global crises; the last one was the Great Recession 2008–09, which was the longest since the World War II and the worst global economic meltdown since the Great Depression (1929). It exactly means that the next one is always on the horizon, and expecting to record the most dangerous in our modern history; the evidence is the last turbulent decade through which expanded trade war, capitalist destructive war, class conflicts, mass migration, poverty and unemployment.
Now it is clear that the next crisis is close to us and prepare the way for larger military and wider class collisions in the world, and the world’s interconnectedness give necessarily all local and regional movements an international trend. The local conflicts are just mirrors for the global collisions, even though many Socialist sects in Iraq and Iran, as well as in the whole world derive different conclusions based on the sporadic and undeveloped level of the class struggle in respective country, and set up sectarian principles of their own and try to mold the whole movement in a particular theory or ideology that present local solutions for a global crisis. Their conclusion doesn’t exceed antagonism between wages and profits. That is the most actual reason that they remain within the same horizon as political economy, which seen nothing of the current global epidemics other than lack of resources. Their criticisms of the capitalist society do not go beyond those of humanitarian organisations and NGOs that are active in both Iraq and Iran: human rights, equality between men and women, environmental concerns, conflicts between religion and secularism, etc. The central axis of this school of Socialism is development of human, technological and financial resources achieved by productivity of labour, planning, and control by the state. That is the same myth of the Nationalist Socialism, which is theoretically a natural extension and development of the Political Economy: LACK OF RESOURCES!
In contrast to the observation of this school of Socialism, the destructive nature of the current productive forces shown by periodical global crises is a clear evidence of absolute over-production rather than lack of resources. The global crisis generates all conflicts between competitors in the world market: Turkey, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iran, USA, Libya, as well as all collisions between contradictory classes all over the world: Lebanon, France, Iraq, Iran, Hong Kong, Chile, etc. These collisions are the main events that sum up all global conflicts, behind which class struggle takes more and more an international form, discontinuous class struggle breaks out into uprising, and occasional collisions turn into permanent revolts. That is the most strength in the proletarian international movement, although it is still characterized by a particular weakness: the need of a permanent association, which serves the proletarian as a revolutionary organ for development of its movement internationally.
Thus, the historical question for the proletarian is neither lack of recourses, nor national economic growth, which is the demand of the leftist that follows the track of the liberal bourgeois. In contrast to this illusion, the real development of the proletarian is organising the numerous local struggles into one united movement nationally and thereby internationally: Workers’ Council, which is an organ for class collaboration resulting from long periods of crises, common battles against the bourgeois, and POLARISATION of social classes. This is the first step for the proletarian to organise itself as a CLASS. So, the only lack for the proletarian is class organisation, which appears from the class POLARISATION.
Thus, the question is not about more justice of distribution of national wealth between rich and poor, but it is rather about a homogenised proletariat, which becomes a historical true through the proletarian continuous class struggle in both national and international areas. The issue is not to discover a scientific treatment for the growth of lack of resources and recovery of the national economy for the poor class. The global society owns all necessary resources, but the growth of resources within the system of capitalist competition is leading to the entire ecological collapse in the world, in which we all are global citizens, whatsoever our language is. We all are facing the same global problems, whatsoever our location is. The global climate change, as well as the global recessions, economic imbalances, poverty, militarisation and wars affect the global community without exception of any country. That is enough to recognise capitalism as a global system that necessarily makes the goal of the proletarian global rather than local in scope. So, it is not by chance to see that the human society is more and more splitting up into two contradictory camps: The camp of the bourgeoisie, which is the conservative side of the society, and the camp of the proletarian, which is the destructive side of the society. The bourgeoisie and its state everywhere belong to the first camp and the Socialists have belonged to the second camp everywhere.
Thus, the same historical conditions with the same social contradiction everywhere have been a base for the emergence of many Socialist groups everywhere, facing the same situation and the same obstacles. The question is, then, what their present tasks are. How they overcome these obstacles? How they move and organise activities within the international camp of the proletarian?
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