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The Fate of the Class Struggle in Iraq Anwar N
June 2020, Iraq |
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In order to define our tasks, we must above all draw conclusions from the lessons and experiences of the class struggle of our time. The purpose is to share and use knowledge derived from experiences outcomes from the real class struggle not from this or that ideology.
Iraq as an example:
“The government and its militias used all kinds of weapons to kill us. They are more dangerous than the virus”, Iraqis vowed to continue the struggle against the state and all political parties.
Despite the threat of Coronavirus, during March 2020, many demonstrators were injured and killed in Baghdad and southern Iraq; activists are still subject to kidnapping, assassination, and torture. And beside the development of the conflicts between Turkey, Russia, Iran and Syria; US aircraft bombed 5 Iraqi Shia militia headquarters, the Iraqi army, and an airport under construction in Iraq’s central Karbala province in retaliation for the earlier deaths of two US service members and a British nurse in a rocket attack on Camp Taji near Baghdad took place 11 March, and 14 March, 2020. By these methods, the State is trying to drive the revolutionary proletariat out of the battlefield and isolate the proletariat from each other and from the international movement; on one side through putting both Iraq, Iran and Lebanon in “Political Quarantine” on the other side by drawing them to the war goes around in the Middle East. But despite all attempts and the Islamic links between Lebanon-Iraq-Iran militias against the movement, the class struggle has been exploded once again by mass protests to which it belongs again protests in Kurdistan Region surrounded by Iran to the east, Turkey to the north, and Syria to the west.
But despite everything happening in this area, we have to admit that the class struggle in Iraq has faced a setback, even the struggle is still going on, and there is a hope to break the isolation between South and North (Kurdistan Iraq, which is an autonomous region with its own local government and parliament controlled by bourgeois parties and became an effective means in hands of the bourgeois to split the class movement with under the title of interests of different nations).
The setback is of course not just because of fears over a new wave of outbreak of the coronavirus, but the morale has been dampened too. After many months of bloody struggle, after holding sit-ins, blocking roads, control of oil ports, rallying masses, and turning the Tahrir Squre into a form of self-management and a real symbol of class solidarity, the proletariat is still incapable of finding a revolutionary organ against the State Power. If we look at the situation more closely, we will easily discover that the reason is not a strong State between the proletariat and its goal, but rather the obstacles that the movement itself is carried. The most understandable of the situation is that the actual experience the revolutionary class had gained is still far from overcoming barriers reflecting the obstacles that the proletarian movement is facing as a direct result of weaknesses within the class movement itself; which of course turn the balance of forces between classes in favour of the bourgeoisie. These weaknesses are regionalisation of the movement, lack of class collaboration between different regions in Iraq (South and North), invoke traditional slogans and ideas from old class movements, which are poisoning the proletarian movement through the various weapons of pacifism: election, democracy, secularism, and defence of the fatherland. Last but not least, another two weaknesses are the tendency of the sectarian socialists who dividing up against one another based upon organisation and doctrines, and illusions of the Rojava which do nothing more than increasing barriers that the proletarian movement is facing in the whole region, especially in Iraq and Iran. Rojava is still one of the major obstacles in front of the development of the class consciousness necessary for progression towards the proletarian self-organization.
Thus, this chapter of the class struggle makes clear that the advance of the proletarian movement does not only mean the continued participation of the class struggle, but it also means the necessity of organised actions which is resulting from the class consciousness; allows the revolutionary class to reaching self-organising into Workers' Council, from which class collaboration and a real unification of the proletariat will born. Workers' Council comes up out from the constant revolutionary battles, gives the class struggle one common direction, and pushes the revolutionary proletariat to break with the existing social system.
However, it seems that the contemporary economic crisis evolves as an epidemic worldwide and without any interruption, and the inevitable economic collapse will cause the expanding of the battlefield between the two international classes: Bourgeois and Proletarian, despite any weaknesses, but from weaknesses we will gain knowledge, derive experiences outcomes from the real class struggle, diagnose the tasks and the “International Activities” that combines the disconnected efforts between internationalists. The constantly development of the international movement requires a common action of the internationalists too.
Iraq as an example:
“The government and its militias used all kinds of weapons to kill us. They are more dangerous than the virus”, Iraqis vowed to continue the struggle against the state and all political parties.
Despite the threat of Coronavirus, during March 2020, many demonstrators were injured and killed in Baghdad and southern Iraq; activists are still subject to kidnapping, assassination, and torture. And beside the development of the conflicts between Turkey, Russia, Iran and Syria; US aircraft bombed 5 Iraqi Shia militia headquarters, the Iraqi army, and an airport under construction in Iraq’s central Karbala province in retaliation for the earlier deaths of two US service members and a British nurse in a rocket attack on Camp Taji near Baghdad took place 11 March, and 14 March, 2020. By these methods, the State is trying to drive the revolutionary proletariat out of the battlefield and isolate the proletariat from each other and from the international movement; on one side through putting both Iraq, Iran and Lebanon in “Political Quarantine” on the other side by drawing them to the war goes around in the Middle East. But despite all attempts and the Islamic links between Lebanon-Iraq-Iran militias against the movement, the class struggle has been exploded once again by mass protests to which it belongs again protests in Kurdistan Region surrounded by Iran to the east, Turkey to the north, and Syria to the west.
But despite everything happening in this area, we have to admit that the class struggle in Iraq has faced a setback, even the struggle is still going on, and there is a hope to break the isolation between South and North (Kurdistan Iraq, which is an autonomous region with its own local government and parliament controlled by bourgeois parties and became an effective means in hands of the bourgeois to split the class movement with under the title of interests of different nations).
The setback is of course not just because of fears over a new wave of outbreak of the coronavirus, but the morale has been dampened too. After many months of bloody struggle, after holding sit-ins, blocking roads, control of oil ports, rallying masses, and turning the Tahrir Squre into a form of self-management and a real symbol of class solidarity, the proletariat is still incapable of finding a revolutionary organ against the State Power. If we look at the situation more closely, we will easily discover that the reason is not a strong State between the proletariat and its goal, but rather the obstacles that the movement itself is carried. The most understandable of the situation is that the actual experience the revolutionary class had gained is still far from overcoming barriers reflecting the obstacles that the proletarian movement is facing as a direct result of weaknesses within the class movement itself; which of course turn the balance of forces between classes in favour of the bourgeoisie. These weaknesses are regionalisation of the movement, lack of class collaboration between different regions in Iraq (South and North), invoke traditional slogans and ideas from old class movements, which are poisoning the proletarian movement through the various weapons of pacifism: election, democracy, secularism, and defence of the fatherland. Last but not least, another two weaknesses are the tendency of the sectarian socialists who dividing up against one another based upon organisation and doctrines, and illusions of the Rojava which do nothing more than increasing barriers that the proletarian movement is facing in the whole region, especially in Iraq and Iran. Rojava is still one of the major obstacles in front of the development of the class consciousness necessary for progression towards the proletarian self-organization.
Thus, this chapter of the class struggle makes clear that the advance of the proletarian movement does not only mean the continued participation of the class struggle, but it also means the necessity of organised actions which is resulting from the class consciousness; allows the revolutionary class to reaching self-organising into Workers' Council, from which class collaboration and a real unification of the proletariat will born. Workers' Council comes up out from the constant revolutionary battles, gives the class struggle one common direction, and pushes the revolutionary proletariat to break with the existing social system.
However, it seems that the contemporary economic crisis evolves as an epidemic worldwide and without any interruption, and the inevitable economic collapse will cause the expanding of the battlefield between the two international classes: Bourgeois and Proletarian, despite any weaknesses, but from weaknesses we will gain knowledge, derive experiences outcomes from the real class struggle, diagnose the tasks and the “International Activities” that combines the disconnected efforts between internationalists. The constantly development of the international movement requires a common action of the internationalists too.